How to spot a fake uprising - and keep America out - analysis
Who knocked over the dominoes?
Frontline News recently reviewed how federal officials, news media, and the entertainment industry have, time and again, supported revolutionaries, like Fidel Castro, who went on to establish dictatorships, massacre their own citizens and, in a domino effect, foment additional regional revolutions, as Castro did in Nicaragua and Venezuela, for example. These revolutions also moved each affected nation toward a collectivist economy and limited freedom.
The real underdog abandoned
Frontline News also covered how the government-media-entertainment complex uses the natural support U.S. citizens have for the oppressed to garner support for rebel leaders as if each were bravely staring down Red China's tanks in Tiananmen Square. In fact, in contrast to Castro, Khomeini, and Chairman Mao, it was the protestors at the Square, who risked their lives to demand more freedom from China's communist government, who did not receive the necessary backing from the White House. President George H. W. Bush vetoed a bill that would have canceled China’s most-favored-nation (MFN) trading status in protest of the massacre of Chinese citizens at the Square.
Lifting the veil on fake underdogs
Distinguishing between protestors pursuing more freedom for an oppressed group and future dictators who will harm the very group they claim to support is made difficult by the Marxist practice of exploiting genuine conflicts. Biochemist and military analyst Bryan Ellison explained how Marxists hide their true goals behind the facade of advocacy for an “oppressed class:”
This method is referred to as a “war of national liberation,” and it adapts its tactics to the unique circumstances of each country. Such a war can pit industrial workers against capitalists, as in Russia, Catholics against Protestants, as in Northern Ireland, blacks against whites, as in South Africa — or Arabs against Jews, as in Israel. The Communists do not openly identify themselves, acting instead as representatives of the supposedly “oppressed” class of people. [Emphases added.]
Ellison goes on to detail the seven steps these so-called “wars of national liberation” generally follow, and which may be used to determine the legitimacy, or lack thereof, of protestors and revolutionaries:
Step 1: Members of the oppressed group are recruited, paid, and trained to commit shocking acts of violence to provoke a “heavy-handed reaction” by the target government. Ellison says the “tactics are based on a 1969 book by Brazilian Communist Carlos Marighella, the Mini-Manual for Urban Guerrillas, which has been translated and distributed to terrorists throughout the world.” Marighella called for the use of terrorist attacks, kidnappings, and executions to force the government to carry out mass roundups and house searches which inevitably draw in innocent citizens.
The goal of this stage is to transform a political disagreement that could be worked out in the legislature to a military conflict.
Step 2: Western media is flooded with often exaggerated stories of government atrocities while convicted murderers are referred to as “political prisoners” and the governing army is accused of authoritarianism, “secret prisons,” and “death squads.” The militants then hide among civilians during battles with government forces, “causing the government to kill innocent people accidentally.” Ellison relates how these tactics were used to portray Chiang Kai-shek of China, Anastasio Somoza of Nicaragua, and the Shah of Iran, the French colonial administration in Algeria, the British rule in Northern Ireland, and the leaders of South Korea, Vietnam, and the Philippines as “corrupt and repressive.” The news media, Ellison says, “never allow[s] the target regime a fair chance to respond to the charges.”
The goal of this stage is to begin the process of isolating the government from “Western, primarily American, support.”
Step 3: The U.S. State Department pressures the target government to make concessions to the revolutionaries as humanitarian gestures, including the release of captured insurgents and cease-fires allowing them to regroup and seize territory. while increasing their demands.
The goal of this stage is to weaken the government’s image and embolden the rebels to increase their demands.
Step 4: The revolutionaries escalate their violence and unrest with mass demonstrations, “which agitators turn into riots,” according to Ellison, to cripple the economy. At the same time, labor unions call strikes and Marxist professors indoctrinate youth and guide them to enter politics as supporters of the revolutionaries. Local religious organizations are infiltrated by Marxists “masquerading” as clergy so as "to neutralize opposition and recruit more people into the revolution." This can be seen, for example, in the Liberation Theology movement active in the Church in Latin America, Africa, and the Far East.
The goal of this stage is to expand the size of the revolutionary forces.
Step 5: The revolutionaries attack the “oppressed” group they claim to represent in order to destroy opposition as they begin taking authoritative control of the “oppressed” population, as with the IRA's “kneecapping” of Catholics in Northern Ireland with guns and electric drills, the ANC's “necklacing” of South African Black people in burning tires, the Sandanista's murder of peasant farmers.
Since the Communists are only a tiny minority of the population, they must create the illusion of popular support. By waging terrorist warfare against the very people they claim to be liberating, the revolutionaries can frighten the people into passive or even active support of the revolution. In China and Nicaragua, the Communists murdered peasant farmers in rural villages; and maimed Arab Muslims in Algeria. In each case, the revolutionaries claimed they were just meting out justice to "government collaborators.”
The goal of this stage is to “create the illusion of popular support” for the revolutionaries while frightening the oppressed group with the threat of being labeled a "collaborator."
Step 6: The insurgents step up their violence as the government further weakens and, at the same time, splits off a supposedly non-violent political arm of their revolutionary group. This new “non-violent” branch then acts as the “good cop,” in contrast to the original militant arm of the group taking on the role of the “bad cop." The “good cop" then plays off the fear of the militants as it presses the government to negotiate its entrance, as a “pragmatic alternative,” into the ruling coalition.
The goal of this stage is to frighten the general population and the leaders of the government into bargaining away its remaining power.
The stage is then set for the final step, detailed by Ellison:
Step 7: “Finally, in the name of democracy and ‘human rights,’ the U.S. State Department withdraws its support from the embattled regime, using diplomatic pressure to force out the old government entirely and replace it with another. The Communists have by this time maneuvered themselves into a position to join the new coalition government. Because this new regime is weak and divided, the Communists quickly moved to consolidate total power for themselves. Their naive liberal allies are executed, followed by systematic mass violence against the whole population. A Communist regime has been imposed.”
Staying out
Since revolutionaries are generally reliant on Western pressure, and sometimes on Western funding, which they may siphon from foreign aid or United Nations support, Americans need not demand that their government fight the revolutionaries or otherwise support the target government. They need to demand that their government stay out of the “fake” conflict, not fund the revolutionaries, even indirectly through the UN, and not pressure the target government to make concessions.
Citizens may declare to their representatives that no foreign policy is preferable to a dangerous one. And not just dangerous to the people subjected to the tyranny of the revolutionaries.
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